Corazon M. Raymundo *

A. Women in the Bali Declaration and the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development

The increasing concern about women's issues in general and the better specification of their role in the changing paradigm of population policy and development during the early part of the decade is clearly reflected in both the structure of the two documents concerned and their content, but with the Programme of Action showing more positive developments. This can be seen in at least the following manner:

In the structure, the chapter on women in the Programme of Action occupies a more prominent place than in the Bali Declaration as it is moved up to a much earlier place, in fact right after the discussion on the general theme of the Cairo Conference, "Interrelationships between population, sustained economic growth and sustained development";

The stronger emphasis on women in the later document is reflected in the content in three ways: first, the more defined framework of women's role in population policy and in general development concerns; second, identification of gender equality, equity and women's empowerment as key indicators of advancing women's concerns in the context of population and development; and third, a more pervasive treatment of gender as it permeates the discussion in almost every chapter.

In fact, the Cairo Conference has been considered a major breakthrough insofar as the advancement of women is concerned as it established a new consensus on two fundamental points:1

Empowering women is an important end in itself, not only as a human right but as having the potential to enhance human well-being.

Empowering women and improving their status are essential ingredients of realizing the full potential of economic, political and social development and ensuring sustainable development.

From Bali to Cairo to Copenhagen to Beijing, it is significant that gender concerns have moved to the top of the global agenda, with the discussions sharpened by discourse at various levels. This has been made possible by the relentless efforts of advocates of women's interests during the past 20 years, which essentially aimed to sharpen people's awareness of the importance of gender concerns. They continuously raised new issues and rephrased old ones, thus creating the conditions for gathering more information about the state of affairs of women in various parts of the world. The series of international conferences served as significant stimuli and venues and the culmination of lower levels of discourse and debates. Indeed, the result has been a sharper focus on women's issues and the generation of better and more appropriate statistics on the state of women's issues. This continues to this day, as the level of discussion reaches more groups and the issue moves into the centre of social and economic change.

Meanwhile, a growing body of research evidence supports the idea that improvement of women's status is good development and population policy. The empowerment of women has been accepted as a crucial element in any strategy seeking to solve social, economic and environmental problems. Both developments serve to sustain action in support of women empowerment objectives.

B. Condition of women in the ESCAP region

Most recent inquiries on changes in the condition of women in the Asian and Pacific region have indicated that some progress in reducing gender disparities has been achieved. Beyond this statement, however, it is difficult to make generalizations about the status and changes in the condition of women in this part of the world since there are still a myriad of differences among the countries in every aspect. But some level of generalization is possible at the broad subregional level, as follows:2

West Asia

In the past few decades, many countries in the region have invested in girls' education, bringing the primary-secondary enrolment ratio for girls to 84, and raising women's literacy to 44 per cent in the region. These countries still have low levels of female literacy

Women are entering the labour force in increasing numbers - up from 22 to 30 per cent. However, these numbers are still low: also low is women's share of decision-making positions in government and business

Marriage among girls aged 15-19 has declined significantly, from 24 to 17 per cent; teenage fertility, however, remains fairly high

Fertility - which was traditionally high - has declined somewhat but remains high (with total fertility rates over 5) in several countries

South Asia

Many health and education indicators remain low. Although life expectancy has risen by 10 years in the past two decades, it remains lower in South Asia than in any other Asian subregion, for both women and men. Equal life expectancy is also exceptional-in all other regions, women have an advantage of several years.

One in 35 women dies of pregnancy-related complications. Maternal mortality has declined, but remains high.

Nearly two thirds of adult women are illiterate and the percentage of girls enrolled in primary and secondary levels of schooling is far below that of other regions.

Women continue to marry early- 41 per cent of girls aged 15-19 are already married-and adolescent fertility remains high.

More women are counted in the labour force but most are still relegated to unpaid family labour or low-paying jobs. Women's representation at the highest levels of government is generally weakest in Asia.

East and South-East Asia

Development indicators continue to improve. Infant mortality has declined significantly in South-East Asia in the past two decades.

Literacy is nearly universal in most countries for men, but not for women. However, girls and boys now have nearly equal access to primary and secondary education.

Adolescent marriage rates in East Asia are the lowest in the world - only 2 per cent of women and less than 1 per cent of men aged 15-19 are married - and the household size is shrinking.

East Asia reports the largest average decline in fertility, from 4.7 to 2.3, and its contraceptive use now exceeds that of developed regions. Fertility has also declined in South-East Asia, but is still generally higher than in East Asia.

Women's participation in the labour force is as high as in developed regions - approximately 55 per cent.

Thus, gradients towards gender equity are apparent in the region, with East and South-East Asia leading the way.

Are the trends in keeping with commitments made in the Programme of Action? Data on selected gender-related characteristics appear to indicate an improvement in various aspects of women's status in the region but with significant obstacles remaining towards attaining gender equality, equity and empowerment of women.3

1. Education for empowerment

The Programme of Action considers education one of the most important means of empowering women with the knowledge, skills and self-confidence necessary to participate more fully in the development process. It is considered the single most important investment that a country can make in its women. At the individual level, educated women marry later, want fewer children, are more likely to adopt effective methods of contraception and have greater capability to participate in livelihood activities. At the macro level, it has been observed that population and development programmes are more likely to succeed when steps such as expanding the education of women are simultaneously taken to improve their status.

Female literacy rates are generally on the rise and have almost reached universal level in the more developed countries of the region. On the other hand, illiteracy rates are still alarmingly high in some countries in spite of some improvements (Bangladesh - 76 per cent, India-63.9 per cent, Lao People's Democratic Republic-53 per cent, Nepal - 77.2 per cent, Pakistan - 76.7 per cent). The gender differential is still apparent in many countries, especially in South Asia, where the female literacy rate is still only about half the level of that of males. The gross enrolment ratio4 is still in favour of males at the primary and secondary levels but there are now more countries in which these ratios are more or less equal between males and females. Ratios of more than 100 per cent at the primary level are not uncommon in the more developed countries of the region, while low ratios (80 per cent or less) still exist in a few countries of South Asia. This widespread promotion of primary education has contributed to the improved literacy rates of both sexes in the region.

This pattern of sex differential is repeated at the secondary education level.

In summary, progress in education is still skewed against females but the trend is towards a narrowing of the gender gap.

2. Participation in the labour market

The Programme of Action identifies measures to improve women's ability to earn income beyond traditional occupations, achieve economic self-reliance, and ensure women's equal access to the labour market as one of the effective means of eliminating gender inequality.

Women in the region have been known to participate in almost all spheres of economic activity and thus make a significant contribution to the economy of the region as well as the survival and upkeep of families and households. But more often their contribution is seen in the traditional sector of the economy, such as in agriculture, services and the informal sector. In view of the sector affiliation of women and their dominance in the unpaid sector of the labour force, their contribution is usually not reflected in the official statistics on work.

In general, women's statistics on labour-force participation show a much lower level than that of men, but the level has improved significantly over the past few years. While the male rate is usually at the level of 80 per cent or more, the highest rate for women is displayed by China, at 59 per cent, and the lowest by the Islamic Republic of Iran, at 29 per cent. At these levels, the share of females in the total adult labour force is much lower than that of males. This however, is evening out slightly over the years.

Another dimension of the disadvantage of women in the work market is manifested by their low share in earned income; the highest proportion is shown by Viet Nam, at 45 per cent, and the lowest by Afghanistan, at 7 per cent, with most countries barely reaching a third of total earned income.

Equal participation and equitable representation in the political process and public life are enabling mechanisms for women to articulate their needs and concerns. The countries of the region leave much to be desired in this area. There are few women in the region in positions of power or influence in the workforce, such as senior members of government, corporate executives or employers. Apart from Australia and China, where about one fifth of the parliament seats are held by women, most countries in the region show very little participation by women in the national legislature (hardly 10 per cent). In business, in East and South-East Asia women are accorded relatively more places in administration and management positions, while South Asian women work more in the agricultural sector.

Recent comparative ethnographic studies on women provide more in-depth interpretation of economic activities from the women's perspective.5 According to women's own accounts, their work is viewed as a measure of security and empowerment vis_a_vis their husbands and as such enhances their sense of entitlement to make decisions. On the other hand, many types of work that women take up can be seen as an extension of their domestic responsibility rather than an expansion of their sense of self, such that in spite of the economic activity, their main identity is still locked in domestic responsibility, especially that of mothering. This is the reason why socio_economic activities and biological reproduction are continuously overlapping and have to be incorporated for a more holistic discussion of women's status and rights. This was clearly seen among the respondents in Malaysia and the Philippines, where women's work is seen as a gap-filler rather than as primary occupation.

3. Women in decision-making

One of the universal disadvantages of women that has been commonly cited is their under-representation in the decision-making positions and lack of involvement in decisions in many important spheres. This has been primarily traced to the historically preferential treatment given to boys and men in a broad range of life matters such as decision-making authority. The Cairo Conference emphasized the importance of this authority when it noted that "in all parts of the world, women are facing threats to their lives, health and well-being as a result of being overburdened with work and of their lack of power and influence" (paragraph 4.1).

This area is usually represented by the participation of women in certain activities such as the holding of managerial and administrative positions and the seats taken in parliament and other elective positions, partly because these positions are attached to higher levels of decision-making and also because data on other levels of decision-making, such as household and individual levels, are difficult to obtain. Indeed, it is believed that there are more anthropological studies of culture than economic or social studies of individual interaction within the family to establish a power structure and negotiations to achieve equality.

Recently, a five-Asian country study6 on the status of women revealed considerable variations in measures of power and autonomy, which included decisions in the economic and personal spheres. The more patriarchal and less socio-economically developed societies, such as India and Pakistan, have fewer women making decisions than the Philippines and Thailand and these are tied closely to their societies and culture rather than to individual characteristics. For example, 86.5 per cent of Filipino women reported having a major say in deciding on major purchases in the household, compared with 16.5 per cent in Pakistan. Purchase of jewellery follows the same pattern, with 55 per cent of Thai women claiming to be able to make such decisions by themselves, compared with the low level of 16 per cent of women in India and Pakistan.

In short, the pervading notion that men are the de facto decision makers in the family is corroborated by the research and by ethnographic accounts of women.

4. Female-headed households

Economic, social and demographic changes taking place in the region have led to the emergence of an increasing number of female-headed households. A high proportion of women face widowhood as a result of increasing differentials in spousal ages at marriage and the increasing age gap in life expectancy between men and women. In addition, the rising number of disrupted marriages and the upsurge in adolescent unions brought about by premature and unplanned pregnancy have contributed to the growing number of women who head and singly maintain households. Furthermore, the overseas migration of men has left women to tend to the family. Single parenthood or motherhood for reasons other than family disintegration is also becoming a trend and is swelling the number of this type of household.

Households headed by women in the region are not as high in number as in Latin America and Africa but are definitely on the rise. In Pakistan, fewer than 9 per cent of the households are headed by females, while in Thailand the figure is over 20 per cent.

The circumstances leading to female headship are not the most positive for a family. Rather, with the culture of families having men as breadwinners and the disadvantaged position of women in terms of access to assets and income-earning potential, households headed by females are almost invariably poorer than those headed by males. In addition, marriage is seen as a desirable norm in the region that is linked to the woman's expectation that the husband will provide for her and the children. Female headship is a phenomenon that exacerbates gender inequality conditions. In poverty-stricken families with overburdened women as heads, the culture of poverty and inequality is more likely to be continued to the next generation.

5. Search for identity

The circumstances in which women find themselves are not usually what they would choose, but are usually influenced/created by prevailing norms, arrangements and events. These women are not usually in control of their activities and destiny.

However, there are important activities of women seen through generations that tend to show their attempts to seek some form of independence which can be interpreted as a search for individual identity and entitlements. Women today migrate to seek education or employment. Their mothers sought independence from their natal households by marriage. Many accounts show an intergenerational trend for young women to display greater aspirations for independent choices than their mothers. This has been correlated with the higher education attainment of younger women and their greater involvement in the labour market.

The search for independence, identity and entitlement constitutes a precursor to the greater autonomy and empowerment of women.

C. Post-Cairo implementation of the recommendations in the Programme of Action relating to gender equality, equity and empowerment of women

The Programme of Action consists of more than 200 recommendations endorsed for implementation by 180 governments, with some of them expressing reservations on certain provisions. Chapter IV alone, which deals specifically with gender equality, equity and empowerment of women, contains 23 recommendations for implementation, mostly at the national and subnational levels. The necessary responses/interventions are in the nature of legislative, planning, programme or structural steps to provide greater opportunities for the full development of women in decision-making at all levels, and to eliminate discriminatory practices against women and all types of gender-based stereotypes.

The response of many countries in the region has been encouraging, with some of them already showing empirical evidence of positive outputs and consequences. This should not be surprising since the countries had been taking steps to improve the status of their women even prior to the Cairo Conference, including the adoption of a series of international covenants related to gender issues7 and their affirmative action for women as a cumulative action since the first three world conferences on women (Mexico, 1975, Copenhagen, 1980 and Nairobi, 1985).

The following discussion will identify and assess the action so far taken by selected countries in the region.

1. Integration of women's concerns into national programmes and plans

The establishment of a national focal point and national machinery for women appears to be important to start the flow of women's activities for countries in the region. The functions of these bodies consist in formulating and monitoring plans meant to enhance women's role in development. In order to do this, they engage in research, provide technical assistance, and coordinate and evaluate the efforts of other agencies. Most of the national machineries which include focal points were established after the Nairobi Conference in 1985.

There are alternative structures for national focal points on women in development. In most countries, the focal points have been placed within the government bureaucracy, except for China, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Viet Nam, where mass organizations of women with track records of associating with mass movements serve as focal points. Similarly, Afghanistan and Kiribati have non-governmental organizations as their focal point. Those lodged in the government structure have been set up in a department or a division, usually of a ministry that deals with social affairs. This model can be found in Cook Islands, Fiji, India, Malaysia, Mongolia and Solomon Islands. Others have established separate ministries for women, for example, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Pakistan and the Republic of Korea. Some others, such as Australia, Japan, the Philippines and Sri Lanka, have established bureaux or offices directly under the Chief Executive. An appraisal of these structures conducted by ESCAP in 19948 and ILO in 19929led to the following observations: (a) most of the machineries function as clearing houses and mainly take care of welfare concerns rather than being in the mainstream of policy-making and planning; (b) a formal structure, however strong in may seem, but that has no political will would not guarantee governmental interventions with positive results; and (c) cooperation between NGOs, community-based organizations and government agencies is a useful ingredient in furthering women's concerns.

Meanwhile, another important integration scheme is in the national development planning exercise. A number of countries have recognized the importance of a separate plan for women and development (for example, Bangladesh, the Philippines and Thailand) while in others plans for women's advancement are integrated into their national development plans (for example, China, Indonesia and Malaysia). While implementation of the provisions of the plans is the ultimate test of the commitment of countries, going through the motions of making definite plans for programmes for the advancement of women is a significant step at the national level.

2. Legal reforms

Laws form the functional framework of the civil society. Equality of treatment between women and men derives its legitimacy from legislative action. Legal and regulatory provisions that discriminate against women perpetuate gender inequalities and restrict women in participating fully in activities in many spheres of life.

Thus, legal reforms that aim to eliminate discrimination and equalize opportunities for women and men, together with a supportive legal environment, are important preconditions for appropriate and effective public policies. Education, employment, land and property rights and family laws are important areas for legislative action.

In education, the key areas of reform are the regard for education as a basic right of its citizens, the provision of equal access to women and men and the guarantee of a certain level of education. The provision that education is a basic right is enshrined in the constitutions of Indonesia and the Philippines, for example. Equal access for both males and females is specifically stated in the constitutions of Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, the Philippines and Singapore. The Republic of Korea has passed a comprehensive Women's Development Act which stipulates, among other things, the rectification of gender discrimination in education and human rights. In order to guarantee an increase in the level of educational attainment, the 1987 Constitution of the Philippines provided free secondary education, while Brunei Darussalam adopted a national policy on the provision of at least 12 years of education to every child. Thailand's 1992 national plan contained educational policies which stressed the development of human resources which would lead to the significant entry of women into the labour force; these are seen as vital to the country's social and economic development.

Of particular interest is lndonesia's Education Act No. 22, which provids that institutions of higher learning shall include female lecturers.

Reforms in education seem to have improved access and led to increased literacy rates and a narrowing of the gap between males and females. However, literacy rates remain very low in some countries in South Asia.

The promotion of women's employment has also been addressed in a number of countries. The main issue here is to ensure that the right to fair and equal employment exists and is enforced. Some notable efforts are found in the following countries.

In Indonesia, the Constitution provides that married women can perform all actions pertaining to labour contracts, including acknowledging full payment and appearing in court without their husband's appearance. Some of the stronger laws pertaining to women's welfare include prohibition against termination of employment of women workers owing to marriage, pregnancy or childbirth, with an enabling requirement for employers to substitute the duties of pregnant women, without reducing their rights in the company. There are many other provisions that are promotive of women's welfare and rights at work.

In most countries of the region, equal pay for work of equal value is provided for in the labour code or other legal provisions.

Obviously, these provisions have found their way into the improvement of work statistics on women. But there remain a number of gaps that could have been due to lack of enforcement of laws and provisions in view of certain cultural practices that impede such action.

Laws that compromise women's bargaining position within and outside the household can affect the well-being of household members, particularly children. Examples of such laws are setting a minimum age at marriage for women, and marriage contracts that include stipulations which guarantee the wife's rights within marriage. Such laws can safeguard women's health and combat domestic violence against women.

In this regard, anti-dowry legislation has been enacted in India. In Malaysia, the Domestic Violence Act has been passed. In 1997, the Anti-rape Law was passed in the Philippines, which reclassified rape as a crime against a person, rather than against chastity.

3. Special programmes for the promotion of gender concerns in education

A number of special programmes in education and literacy are undertaken in several countries, with the objective of improving the educational status of both men and women, and some with special emphasis on women. Some of these are as follows:

Training and skill-upgrading programmes in which countries in the region have given importance to both sexes by giving them equal access to such programmes.

Adult education and literacy classes which constitute programmes in the re-education of adults, particularly illiterate females.

Vocational education programmes which provide livelihood skills to adults. There are special programmes designed specifically for women,

Elimination of sex stereotypes in textbooks and curricula. Indonesia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand have taken measures to review gender bias and sex stereotyping in school materials.

4. Mainstreaming efforts in government

Most national machineries for the advancement of women act as mere clearing houses and welfare agencies. A few efforts are being made to mainstream gender in government agencies by conducting gender-sensitivity programmes for government officials and employees. Efforts in this regard are conducted in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand. The last three countries are also conducting courses on gender-sensitive planning for government planners and personnel.

D. Where are the gaps in efforts for equality and empowerment?

As enumerated in the previous section, important eforts have been undertaken during the past few years with the conscious aim of promoting the advancement of women's condition in many ways.

But why do gender inequalities persist? There are many deep-seated obstacles remaining to be overcome. Perhaps one of the most important reasons is that the causes of inequality between men and women are not fully understood and that inequality was ingrained in societies long ago. This persistence of customs and taboos defines gender socialization processes. Starting from the household level, the decision to distribute resources among the household members is a complex process, as it is influenced by a combination of social and cultural norms, market opportunities and institutional factors. More often than not, the decision to send sons and not daughters to school is shaped by the society's norms on the present and future roles of males and females and by the prevailing condition of the market forces affecting the household. The allocation of resources within the household affects the basic indicators of individual well-being, efficiency and growth, such as education, health and nutrition. These are so basic that their lack not only affects the household but hampers future economic growth.

Social norms, more than economics, dictate whether or not a woman will participate in the work market. This, therefore, does not reflect the woman's own choice nor does it necessarily correspond to the optimum welfare of the household and its use of resources. A vicious cycle ensues when the investment in girls takes low priority because of the notion that the yield is not as high as when investment is made in boys. In view of this, many women are unable to work because they lack the education and experience enjoyed by men.

These norms are still so pervasive in societies that they permeate everyday life and provide informal rules that govern interactions in the family life and outside it. Thus, in the area of gender equality, what is equal in family law may not be equal in the legal system.

The persistence of strong traditional patriarchal values leads to distinct stratification in gender roles in almost every sphere of life. Several countries in the region are still operating within the patriarchal framework, although the more developed ones have been able to reduce its influence on the lives of their people. Strong pockets of inequalities are thus apparent even in the access to basic needs.

The positive changes in the level and pattern of women's participation in the labour force did not bring about a commensurate reduction in their domestic responsibilities. Thus, the double burden of economic and domestic responsibilities still exists and is exacerbated by the reality that it is in informal and hidden sectors that women workers abound. It is in these sectors also that they are not covered by the more recently enacted protective labour legislation. Child-care facilities and other maternity benefits also do not reach workers in these worksites.

The special conditions where women are found and living with their families have given rise to emerging issues with strong gender dimensions and profound implications for the lives of women and their families. Some of the issues that remain inadequately addressed by interventions are the following.

Feminization of poverty

More and more women suffer increasing financial and economic hardships. This is especially important in this region, because two thirds of the poor in Asia are women. This is caused by a number of occurrences, some perpetuated by age-old practices and beliefs and others that might have arisen out of newly emerging conditions.

The increasing number of poor women is a direct consequence of unequal economic opportunities and gender disparity in economic power-sharing. This has been exacerbated by the increasing migration, which has an obvious impact on the structure of the family and usually on the consequent burden on the women of the household. If the man migrates, the woman is left to provide for several dependants; if the woman migrates, she takes care of the needs of two households: the one that she sets up in the place of destination and her original household. This and other phenomena, the increasing break-up of families and the widening gap in the life expectancy between males and females, have given rise to what is usually regarded as unheard of in Asia: women-headed households. It has been observed by economists that the social and economic advancement of women in the region is being hampered by the requirements and outcomes of structural adjustment programmes. The austerity measures adopted as a result of the recent downturn of economies in the South-East Asian countries are expected to have the same impact on women.

Violence against women

The circumstances and consequences of gender-based violence against women go beyond the family, thus generating social, economic and political costs. Women who are victims of gender violence are deprived of their human rights and other fundamental freedoms, such as the right to their own lives and bodies, and will suffer the likely consequence of being unable to participate fully in the development process. Meanwhile, the countries are denied the full talents of their women.

Attention to this issue has been increasing and more-open discussion is taking place, but perhaps not enough to bring this to the level of public concern, as it has both public health and development consequences for the communities.

Migrant women

The number of women leaving their homes to look for a livelihood elsewhere is rising. This phenomenon has had a profound impact on the economies of the countries of destination and on the various aspects of the lives of the overseas workers. While there have been accounts of considerable financial benefits for the families and countries of the migrants, the lack of protection has opened them to various abuses and exploitation.

There are many more gender-related issues that need to be addressed. It is important to remember that while the circumstances and the nature of those issues may be different, they share similar causes and consequences.

E. What needs to be done?

Social norms are hard and slow to change. The vicious cycle of non-investment in women and their inability to participate in the work market on equal terms with men will have to be broken, not by focusing on changing norms but by influencing these norms through public policy. Policies that consciously allocate more resources (and reduce inequities) in favour of programmes in education and training for women will have to be made and implemented. There is a need for more conscious efforts to foster non-traditional and progressive roles for both men and women. It is to be hoped that this can help in weakening partriarchal values and systems in the region.

The legal aspects of equality will have to be addressed in a more holistic and realistic manner, instead of just on an ad hoc basis. This is important especially in the light of persistent family laws and customary practices that can run counter to constitutional and legal equality under the formal legal system. Needless to say, the social realities of laws could be the deciding factor for the success of its implementation. Here, the issue of legal literacy among women at all levels is essential. Advocacy and information on women's rights couched in the most culturally sensitive manner will go a long way towards achieving the desired output of adherence to the implementation of the law.

It has also been shown in many settings that the spread of awareness of women's rights and more meaningful participation through women's organized activities that foster solidarity and common concerns can go a long way in initiating behaviour at the local level and policy changes. This counteracts the previous belief that customs and taboos are immutable and not subject to intervention and change.

In view of the wide disparities in the status of women, especially as they relate to socio-economic conditions and the nature of livelihood activities in geographic locations, a more-focused targeting of beneficiaries of programmes intended to reduce inequality can have more success in achieving intended objectives. Two ways of targeting are indicated by what is known about where the target beneficiary women are. First, areas of widespread poverty should be targeted as women are disproportionately represented among the poor. Second, in areas where gender disparities are wide, more-focused attention on women can be given. Thus, the direct provision of resources to women can be a highly acceptable strategy. For example, in areas where girls are not allowed to receive even primary education, stipends may be needed10 so that they can attend school.

Violence against women needs to be increasingly placed as a public health and social issue. It should be understood in a better way so that appropriate intervention can be identified. Women NGOs should be encouraged to publicize this private, criminal act, facilitate the process of investigation and prosecution and help in the process of rehabilitation. There is a need to change the attitude of the system and these women to facilitate the process of surviving the experience and being able to come back into society, as quickly and effectively as possible.

F. Summary and conclusions

There have been considerable improvements in the conditions and position of women in the past few years. Significant strides have been made in education, where literacy rates for women are rising, with the important observation that there is still a gender gap but that this has been narrowing over the years.

Women in the region are seen as participating more in the work market as well as beginning to be seen in executive and legislative positions even in countries where this never occurred before. Further, their presence is now beginning to be felt in corporate boardrooms. But all this is still on highly unequal terms. In other words, such women are still within the domain of "super" women. At the lower echelons of socio-economic and political life, great strides still have to be made in liberating women from the traditional stereotypes of work. Even among the women themselves, their identity is felt to be locked in domestic responsibility, and this represents a critical obstacle to the advancement of women.

It is important to note that the profile of the status of women's advancement in the region is highly uneven, within the countries and across countries and subregions. Within countries, the important factors are socio-economic conditions, education and age. At the regional level, the gradients are quite clear, with East and South-East Asia leading the way.

The country variations are highlighted by empirical evidence on low autonomy and power among women vis-a-vis men, especially in countries or societies where the patriarchal system remains a strong framework for relationships. Thus, experiences of inequality and lack of autonomy are more societal-level than individual-based conditions.

Many recent socio-economic and demographic changes have given rise to women-headed households. This phenomenon exacerbates gender inequality and can engender conditions that extend poverty into the next generations. Other conditions that have emerged owing to the recent changes in the socio-economic and political life of countries in Asia and the Pacific, in tandem with ingrained norms and taboos that place women below men, are the feminization of poverty, violence against women, and exploitation of the migration of women.

Women increasingly attempt to search for their independence and identity and have tried multi-phase strategies to achieve this, but they are stopped by pervasive obstacles that are gender-related.

The responses and affirmative action by the countries of the region to the challenges of gender inequality have been very encouraging, with a number of them already showing empirical evidence of positive results and consequences.

The range of actions taken is wide, and as broad as integrating women's concerns into national programmes and plans, including the creation of national structures to enhance women's roles in development.

Another broad category of effort in this regard is legal reform. The broad trend in reforms in the formal legal system is positive in much of the region. The reforms have been in the form of new legislation and revision of existing legislation to revoke sex-discriminatory provisions. Even provisions in family laws which hurt women's development pursuits, such as the dowry and domestic violence, are now being addressed by the most conservative Asian nations. Indeed, a number of innovative and more appropriate laws are now in place in some countries, although not in others.

Special programmes have been instituted and implemented with the intention of equalizing the conditions of men and women; these are mostly in the areas of education and employment.

A few countries, recognizing that the existence of gender stereotypes in the minds of people can compromise the development of the society in general and of women in particular, have led the way in undertaking efforts to mainstream gender in the government bureaucracy. This is a strategic move, for indeed programmes and policies are drafted on the desks of the public servant.

What else needs to be done?

There is still a long way to go towards achieving gender equality, equity and empowerment of women.

The unevenness of actions and advances of countries in the region needs to be addressed.

The equality issue will have to be addressed in a more holistic and realistic manner as opposed to an ad hoc, issue-based way; this is important because the causes of gender inequality are deeply rooted in the history of relationships of people and of groups of people.

There is a place for self-directed action which can stem from literacy and awareness, including legal literacy.

Women's organized activities that foster solidarity and common concerns can go a long way in initiating changes in behaviour at the local level and changes in policy.

In view of the wide disparities in gender equality, a more-focused targeting of beneficiaries can be useful. This can be done in two ways: on areas of widespread poverty, since women are disproportionately represented among the poor; and on areas where gender disparities are wide.

More than four years after the Cairo Conference, women are receiving more attention and have become more visible. But major obstacles towards gender equality, equity and empowerment remain. Some of these obstacles are understood, while others remain to be fathomed.